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This dissertation explores the political culture of the new political generation in Egypt after 25th January 2011. It aims at examining the reasons behind generational conflicts on the new political landscape. It defines political generation as â a group of people who have been subject to common soc...
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| Format: | Thesis |
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AUC Knowledge Fountain
2012
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| _version_ | 1867613415922466817 |
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| access_status_str | Open Access |
| author | El-Banna, Sanaa |
| author_browse | El-Banna, Sanaa |
| author_facet | El-Banna, Sanaa |
| author_sort | El-Banna, Sanaa |
| collection | Thesis |
| dc_rights_str_mv | The author retains all rights with regard to copyright. The author certifies that written permission from the owner(s) of third-party copyrighted matter included in the thesis, dissertation, paper, or record of study has been obtained. The author further certifies that IRB approval has been obtained for this thesis, or that IRB approval is not necessary for this thesis. Insofar as this thesis, dissertation, paper, or record of study is an educational record as defined in the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) (20 USC 1232g), the author has granted consent to disclosure of it to anyone who requests a copy. |
| description | This dissertation explores the political culture of the new political generation in Egypt after 25th January 2011. It aims at examining the reasons behind generational conflicts on the new political landscape. It defines political generation as â a group of people who have been subject to common social and political (â ¦) influences and circumstances' that shape their political values, attitudes, and signify their sharing of an essential destiny' . Hence, generations are defined in terms of political culture, rather than age groups. The study examines six suggestive cases: The National Movement for Changeâ Kefayaâ , the 6th of April, the We Are All Khaled Saed, the Egyptian Current Party, the Salafyo Costa movement and Ultras Ahlawy football community. Through examining formative experiences, ideological composition and organizational forms, values, symbols, strategies, and inter-relationships, I aim at resolving one research problem: The significant variation within the political culture of the new generation deepens conflicts both within the emergent Generation and with the Muslim Brotherhoodâ on various ideological issues and political strategies. Also, it stimulates ideological transformation and threatens to upgrade political authoritarianism. In order to develop a 'grounded' , knowledge of the subject, the study, first, examines reasons behind the MB's failure to co-opt the new generation both before and after the 25th January. Secondly, It examines the formative socio-political experiences of each generational unit. Thirdly, I report the interview findings on ideological and organizational manifestations and, finally, I analyze the results in order to understand the reasons behind generational conflicts and how they might lead into upgrading Mubarak's authoritarianism. This research provides future studies with elementary background on the situation, its main actors, their inter-relationships and possible means of resolving their conflicts. I use two integrative methods of qualitative research: ethnographic semi-structured interviews with members of the new political generation and â participation as observer'. Data culled from primary and secondary sources is analyzed through conceptual analysis tool to examine the undergoing transformation and possible means to resolve the conflict. The study concludes that there are four intertwined lines through which generational conflicts evolved: a) problems either withered away or got replaced by new problems, b) a change and/or loss of leadership, mobilizable resources and sympathy, c) the rise of unexpected generational cooperation, and d) one generation topple or liquidate the other. |
| format | Thesis |
| id | oai:fount.aucegypt.edu:etds-2063 |
| institution | American University in Cairo (Egypt) |
| last_indexed | 2026-06-10T12:35:47.730Z |
| license_str | Other — see source repository |
| provenance_str_mv | Harvested via OAI-PMH from AUC Knowledge Fountain — bepress |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateRange | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | AUC Knowledge Fountain |
| publisherStr | AUC Knowledge Fountain |
| record_format | dspace |
| source_str | AUC Knowledge Fountain — bepress |
| spelling | oai:fount.aucegypt.edu:etds-2063 Divided, they win? a case study of the new political generation in Egypt since 25th January 2011 El-Banna, Sanaa This dissertation explores the political culture of the new political generation in Egypt after 25th January 2011. It aims at examining the reasons behind generational conflicts on the new political landscape. It defines political generation as â a group of people who have been subject to common social and political (â ¦) influences and circumstances' that shape their political values, attitudes, and signify their sharing of an essential destiny' . Hence, generations are defined in terms of political culture, rather than age groups. The study examines six suggestive cases: The National Movement for Changeâ Kefayaâ , the 6th of April, the We Are All Khaled Saed, the Egyptian Current Party, the Salafyo Costa movement and Ultras Ahlawy football community. Through examining formative experiences, ideological composition and organizational forms, values, symbols, strategies, and inter-relationships, I aim at resolving one research problem: The significant variation within the political culture of the new generation deepens conflicts both within the emergent Generation and with the Muslim Brotherhoodâ on various ideological issues and political strategies. Also, it stimulates ideological transformation and threatens to upgrade political authoritarianism. In order to develop a 'grounded' , knowledge of the subject, the study, first, examines reasons behind the MB's failure to co-opt the new generation both before and after the 25th January. Secondly, It examines the formative socio-political experiences of each generational unit. Thirdly, I report the interview findings on ideological and organizational manifestations and, finally, I analyze the results in order to understand the reasons behind generational conflicts and how they might lead into upgrading Mubarak's authoritarianism. This research provides future studies with elementary background on the situation, its main actors, their inter-relationships and possible means of resolving their conflicts. I use two integrative methods of qualitative research: ethnographic semi-structured interviews with members of the new political generation and â participation as observer'. Data culled from primary and secondary sources is analyzed through conceptual analysis tool to examine the undergoing transformation and possible means to resolve the conflict. The study concludes that there are four intertwined lines through which generational conflicts evolved: a) problems either withered away or got replaced by new problems, b) a change and/or loss of leadership, mobilizable resources and sympathy, c) the rise of unexpected generational cooperation, and d) one generation topple or liquidate the other. 2012-02-01T08:00:00Z thesis application/pdf https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1064 https://fount.aucegypt.edu/context/etds/article/2063/viewcontent/SAnaa_20EL_Banna_27s_20Thesis_20July_2018th.pdf The author retains all rights with regard to copyright. The author certifies that written permission from the owner(s) of third-party copyrighted matter included in the thesis, dissertation, paper, or record of study has been obtained. The author further certifies that IRB approval has been obtained for this thesis, or that IRB approval is not necessary for this thesis. Insofar as this thesis, dissertation, paper, or record of study is an educational record as defined in the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) (20 USC 1232g), the author has granted consent to disclosure of it to anyone who requests a copy. Theses and Dissertations AUC Knowledge Fountain Muslim Brotherhood New political Generation Revolution 2011 political culture authoritarianism ideology generatiol conflict Alban Salafism Ultras Ahlawy Ikhwan Salafyocosta Khaled Saed Kefaya Egyptian Current Tayyar Masry |
| spellingShingle | Muslim Brotherhood New political Generation Revolution 2011 political culture authoritarianism ideology generatiol conflict Alban Salafism Ultras Ahlawy Ikhwan Salafyocosta Khaled Saed Kefaya Egyptian Current Tayyar Masry El-Banna, Sanaa Divided, they win? a case study of the new political generation in Egypt since 25th January 2011 |
| title | Divided, they win? a case study of the new political generation in Egypt since 25th January 2011 |
| title_full | Divided, they win? a case study of the new political generation in Egypt since 25th January 2011 |
| title_fullStr | Divided, they win? a case study of the new political generation in Egypt since 25th January 2011 |
| title_full_unstemmed | Divided, they win? a case study of the new political generation in Egypt since 25th January 2011 |
| title_short | Divided, they win? a case study of the new political generation in Egypt since 25th January 2011 |
| title_sort | divided they win a case study of the new political generation in egypt since 25th january 2011 |
| topic | Muslim Brotherhood New political Generation Revolution 2011 political culture authoritarianism ideology generatiol conflict Alban Salafism Ultras Ahlawy Ikhwan Salafyocosta Khaled Saed Kefaya Egyptian Current Tayyar Masry |
| url | https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1064 https://fount.aucegypt.edu/context/etds/article/2063/viewcontent/SAnaa_20EL_Banna_27s_20Thesis_20July_2018th.pdf |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT elbannasanaa dividedtheywinacasestudyofthenewpoliticalgenerationinegyptsince25thjanuary2011 |